As the rich consume more and more, they are clearly not going to want to downgrade their own status.
Cost recovery is the polite way of saying, make families pay to educate their children.
Debt is such a powerful tool, it is such a useful tool, it's much better than colonialism ever was because you can keep control without having an army, without having a whole administration.
Everything has to be done to build some sort of international democracy. We've seen only the tiniest beginnings of that.
Having enough to eat, being able to educate your children, have reasonably stable employment, and being able to live in a society which isn't collapsing around you-all of these things have been generally eroded.
How do we get democracy at the international level? That's our problem. and it's essentially the same problem people faced in the 18th Century when they tried to get democracy nationally. Now we need it internationally.
I am a globalist, I am an internationalist, but this kind of globalisation is about exclusion, it's not about all holding hands and marching towards the promised land.
I have never subscribed to authoritarianism, and I think if the 21st century is going to be authoritarian then we're all done for.
I think the market is always going to be around. The goal is not to say, let's get rid of the market, because the market does render a huge number of services, and I don't want to have a fight about the price of something every time I buy a book or a bottle of water.
I think we can perfectly well continue to live with the marketplace, and in any future society we're going to have production.
I used to work a lot on food issues and every time somebody predicted that production would be inadequate they got egg on their face a year or two later.
I was recently looking at what they can actually do to reduce consumption of petrol. It would be quite possible to build automobiles out of carbon fibre that would be just as strong, weigh 10 times less and consume 10 times less petrol.
I'm a radical reformist, because between where we are and where I want to go there's a great deal of work, and I won't see the end of this.
I'm not there talking about Mars and Venus, I'm talking about something relatively complicated when I go out and give speeches.
If it were only the politics, I would feel quite secure that at my age I can go off happily. I think that the pendulum is beginning to swing back the other way.
If the economy becomes disembodied from society it can only lead to disaster.
If we wait for the U.S. to do something, we will be waiting for a very long time. It's Europe, it's Australia, it's the other developed and middle developing countries that have got to do the job.
If you cut down a forest, it doesn't matter how many sawmills you have if there are no more trees.
It seems to be the thing now that young people are getting back into politics.
It was always the girls who were not put in school because you try to educate the boy because he might be more valuable to the family in the future.
Jubilee was a valiant effort, and it was something to be celebrated but it should have gone on because until you can force the powerful actually to do what they have said they will do, well, there is a long road and many a slip.
Markets can't think about anything beyond about three months. This is very long-term for markets, which is why the important things in life have got to be taken outside of the marketplace.
Much of what is called investment is actually nothing more than mergers and acquisitions, and of course mergers and acquisitions are generally accompanied by downsizing.
Now we are flying off into outer space, there is no clear curb on what can be done in the name of the economy.
Only around 2% of the earth's surface is cultivatable land.
Redistribution of wealth would require enormous amounts of investment. The only time an elite has accepted this has been during crises, such as in America in the 1930s under Roosevelt.
Subsidize... or lend.
The debt crisis is obviously worse than it was, even though I remember in 2000 that churches and other aid organisations had a big celebration - Jubilee 2000, cancel world debt - and they were reasonably successful in having cancelled some of that.
The natural capital is not income, but we spend our natural capital as if it were revenue, as if it were going to come back next year without any problems, whereas these renewals in nature can take hundreds of years.
The people with the right-wing ideas, they think that, you know, allow capitalism to get on with it and it will.
The question is not only what is grown but what it's used for. There's not going to be a mass transformation of dietary habits in rich countries-on the contrary, the first thing people do when they become more prosperous is to buy more meat.
The real fight is about what should be in the marketplace and what should not. Should education be a marketable commodity? Should healthcare?
The Sierra Club in the United States has now really come out for population control and reduction.
The World Bank is now the biggest culprit in the debt crisis.
The World Development Movement, to take just one example, is doing good work. Some political parties are, too.
There are a lot of people who don't contribute anything to consumption and production.
There has been a brilliant ideological offensive, foundations have spent hundreds of millions of dollars, created university chairs, financed magazines, and pumped out propaganda about privatisation.
There is no degree of human suffering which in and of itself is going to bring about change. Only organisation can change things.
There's overwhelming evidence that the gap between the rich and poor has grown much larger, both within and between countries.
There's people coming in who've never done any politics at all, who've never been in a trade union, they've never been in a political party, they've never done anything, but they do feel a kind of urgency.
This erosion of the middle class is happening all over the place. The opening of a wider gap between rich and poor is always accompanied by such a process.
We have the most crude accounting tools. It's tragic because our accounts and our national arithmetic doesn't tell us the things that we need to know.
We made it too hot for France to stay in the Multilateral Agreement on Investments.
We're trying to run a 21st century society and economy with 19th century Darwinian, competitive, crude ideas.
What I do worry about is the environment. There I'm not at all sure we have time. There are a few signs of hope, but not a lot.
What I worry about is climate change, because that would have untold effects that we can't even measure yet.
What is not fair now is that corporations pay less and less tax, which means that you and I pay more because we're rooted somewhere, they've got our address, right?
What it missing, I think, is this notion of the common good.
What you need if you want jobs are small and medium sized enterprises, local initiatives, labour intensive work, community development, service providers and the like.
What's immediately profitable is the only kind of logic that capitalism understands.
When you say the penguins are coming back, I think that's wonderful because that shows that it's not just the penguins, that shows that the whole food chain is being renewed, that you're also increasing the marine habitat.
Workers come and work in our countries and send back remittances to their home villages and families, and the UN calls that about $93 billion.
You can always find a grievance, and you'd better base a grievance against people on much the same level as yourself, then we'll let you fight it out. This is an endless question-with identity politics you can never be satisfied.
Her biggest box-office success was probably in Sam Peckinpah's movie Straw Dogs, in which she played the lead opposite Dustin Hoffman.
Susan composed the theme tune for the Yugoslav movie That Summer of White Roses (1989), also known as Djavolji Raj.
Susan and her husband now run a stud farm, called Georgian Arabians, in Somerset, England.
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